Correo jorge arrate mac niven

Bor- mann and Golder , and; 7 relevant country and election specific characteristics, such as ethno-linguistic fractionalization, the mean district magnitude, and the size of the population source: For literature on how these controls can affect new party entry see Lipset and Rokkan ; Ordeshook and Shvetsova ; Hug ; Cox ; Jones , ; Tavits , a ; Carreras A summary of the variables used in the analysis are presented in Table 1.

Other variables, such as open or closed lists, presidential powers, and federalism may also affect entry decisions by new-party candidates cf. Hicken and Stoll, ; Spoon and West, However, they are not included because there is no reason to believe these institutions are correlated with party funding allocation and, therefore, would not introduce bias in the estimation of the variables of interest.

This claim is corroborated by empirical tests included in replication material. On-going dummy 0. Campaign dummy 0. Media dummy 0. Summary of variables included in the study 4 Model specification The empirical analysis was conducted on an unbalanced election-year, Time-Series Cross- Section original dataset with 18 countries and an average of 6. For ease of comparison with the literature on new legislative par- ties, the main method of estimation for the statistical tests was a pooled Poisson Maximum Likelihood Estimation MLE cf. Hug, ; Tavits, , a. Auto-correlation concerns were controlled for through a dummy variable indicating the presence of new-party candidates in the previous election as frequentist statistics do not produce lags of latent dependent vari- ables.

To test the robustness of the analysis to characteristics, structure and clustering of the sam- ple, the estimations were conducted using: The results of these tests are included in the Appendix, and the conclusions are substantively in line with the results presented in the paper. That is to say, decisions about party funding were not explicitly designed to deter the entrance of new political parties.

And second, logit esti- mations indicate that the past number of new-party candidates do not correlate with current funding structures, when controlling for country characteristics results in Appendix. When campaign funding is allocated based on votes in a previous elections increased relative costs , one observes a significantly lower number of presidential candidates sponsored by new parties, ceteris paribus.

The same is true when media funding is unequally distributed, favouring existing parties over new entries. On the other hand, the allocation of funds for on-going party activities based on votes or mixed allocation criteria benefits of good electoral results is associated with a higher number of new-party candidates, ceteris paribus.

Votes Mixed Equal Votes 1. Mixed 1. Campaign dummy On-going dummy 1. Media dummy However, the number of observations in the dataset is limited due to the short history of democratic elections since the third wave of democracy in Latin America Huntington, The small number of observations can lead to over-fitting the models and biased results.

Likelihood ratio tests indicate there is no significant loss of fit between models 1 and 2, justifying the use of this simplified coding in further analyses. The patterns in models 1 and 2 are similar, campaign and media funding based on perfor- mance in past elections is, as hypothesised H , negatively associate with the new-party can- didates. However, one observes more of these candidates in the presence of potential funding for future on-going party activities, allocated as a consequence of current electoral outcomes Uneq. This result is consistent with hypothesis H3. The coefficients in models 3—5 indicate the robustness of these inferences to the inclusion of various control variables.

Model 3 accounts for the impact of the effective number of parties in the legislature and its interaction with the level of ethno-linguistic fractionalization in the country. Model 4 controls for the level of permissibility of the electoral system by including the mean district magnitude. Finally, model 5 deals with potential autocorrelation problems by including a dummy for the presence of new-party candidates in the previous election.

As can be observed, the variables of interest are consistently significant and the magnitude of their effect only varies slightly. Furthermore, likelihood ratio tests indicate no significant difference of fit between most parsimonious model 2 and models 3—5. For this reason, further test are conducted using model 2 as a base. All estimations include controls for the existence of campaign spending limits.

As can be observed, spending limitations are never significant predictors of new-party candidate entry, despite their potential to level off funding inequalities among competitors. Further controls for a possible interaction effect between spending limits and types of funding are not significant either see Appendix. This absence of a distinguishable effect is likely caused by a weak execution of controls and sanctions by enforcement agencies cf.

Campaign Funding Uneq. Overall the results in Table 2 indicate that the more disadvantaged new-parties are regard- ing funding and media during a campaign, the less likely one can observe relevant new-party candidates entering, other variables constant. As previously indicated, these effects are robust to multiple methods of estimations and sample selection, attesting to the reliability of the inferences outlined above tables in Appendix.

The substantive effect of public subsidies can be observed in the first difference plots in Figure 2. However, when campaign 12 The effects are calculated from model 2, holding constant non-partisans at 0, limits to spending at 1, concur- rence of elections at 1, and Log of Time, ELF, and Log GDP per capita at their means. Nevertheless, in the absence of funding, the variation in number of candidates is large, and whether a new party sponsors a presidential candidate or not , or avoids entering altogether will depend on other factors. The effect of campaign subsidies simply decreases the expectation of entry to a negligible number.

The predictions for media subsidies determined by past votes, Figure 2 bottom-left, are similar to campaign funding. The expected number of relevant candidates running for new par- ties is substantially higher when there are no media subsidies or these are equally distributed. The size of this effect is equivalent to the one by monetary campaign funding and larger than hypothesised —given that media subsidies are earmarked for limited purposes and monetary subsidies can be used at the discretion of the candidate or party.

However, it corresponds with the similarity in coefficients estimated for unequal campaign and media funding in model 2. Another factor that is important to note is the small variation in the expected number of new- party candidates when past-performance based funding media funds are available. The same goes for cam- paign funding.

These results imply that, even if the confidence intervals overlap, the availability of unequal funding during the campaign period systematically reduces the expected number of new-party candidates. In other words, the absence of barriers to entry does not imply new-party candidates will compete. However, when they are present, one can be confident in predicting that the number of relevant new-party entries will be low. As hypothesised, funding for on-going activities has the opposite effect. Even when cam- paign funding exists, the presence of potential benefits of entry is associated with a substantially higher number of relevant new-party candidates.

In the absence of on-going funding one can expect a new-party candidate every ten elections. However, the incentives introduced by fund- ing for party activities increases that to seven out of ten. His operational ap- proach focuses on how candidates emerged from inside or outside the mainstream parties as the distinctive condition, excluding splinter-party candidates as they would be considered in- siders despite running for a new party. Unequal campaign and media funding are always significantly associated with a lower number of new-party candidates. As before, the associa- tion with the existence of potential monetary benefits for on-going party activities is positive.

The magnitudes of these effects vary, but that is caused by differences in the operational def- initions of the dependent variable. As hypothesized, higher relative costs of competing produced by past-performance based campaign and media subsidies are associated with a lower number of presidential candidates running for new parties.

These statistically significant effects contribute to reducing the expected number of new-party candidates that enter. However, even in the absence of unequal media and monetary campaign subsidies there are elections in which new-party candidates do not compete.

On the other hand, one can observe a significantly higher number of these candidates entering when there are subsidies for on-going party activities, even under unequal access to campaign funding. These results suggest that the potential to gain monetary support for a new party to institutionalize itself in the up-coming inter-election period can outweigh the extra costs of running a presidential campaign.

Robustness tests provide assurance that the associations found in the data are not the prod- uct of sample selection, method of estimation, or definition of the phenomena of interest. The incentive mechanisms have significant effects on new-party candidates, independent of the assumptions regarding the data generating process. That is to say, the effects are persistent whether one believes the incentive schemes alter the existence or not of candidates sponsored by new parties, or how many of them enter an election. Party subsidies can thus have an effect on the de- cisions of a wide range of political actors.

Substantively, this study highlights the importance of looking at the effects of specific public funding provisions. Different types of subsidies and regulations can have contrasting effects on the incentive structures faced by new-party candidates. In the case presented here, increases in costs produced by unequal funding for campaigns reduce the incentives for entry. This, in turn, corresponds with a more stable electoral arena, where the number of new parties that enter sponsoring a presidential candidate is small and the status quo tends to prevail. Consequently, these types of benefits can lead to more variation in the actors and policy offers available to voters.

In conclusion, while there are many reasons to regulate money in politics, this study pro- vides empirical evidence to suggest that funding mechanisms have consequences with respect to the structure of a party system. Whether a country benefits from an increase in party entry flexibility, or would do better if they reduce the level of instability, depends on the particular circumstance in that country.

All objectives are valid, as long as policy makers are aware of the consequences of their decisions. They would be wise to consider the effects shown in this paper in the institutional design of future funding policies and, thus, avoid having to deal with unintended outcomes further on. Further research with more nuanced measures could provide insights into how or at what levels the incentives become relevant.

For reasons of comparability across countries it was not possible to do so in this study. However, research at the sub-national level could address this issue in more detail. It would be particu- larly interesting to study changes in the number of new-party candidates across constituencies in the same country, before and after regulatory reforms.


  • mac i forgot my master password.
  • Chilean academics;
  • ****************** - International Labour Conference;

Are niche parties fundamentally dif- ferent from mainstream parties? American Journal of Political Science, 50 3: Barr, R. Populists, outsiders and anti-establishment politics. Party Politics, 15 1: Boas, T. Television and neopopulism in Latin America: Media effects in Brazil and Peru. Latin American Research Review, 40 2: Bormann, N. Democratic electoral systems around the world, Replication Data. Campbell, J. Presidential coattails in senate elections. American Political Science Review, Carreras, M. The rise of outsiders in Latin America, — an institutionalist perspective.

Comparative Political Studies, 45 Corrales, J. Ex-presidents and newcomers running for president Latin American Politics and Society, 50 3: Cox, G. Making Votes Count: Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Ezrow, L. Mean voter representation and partisan constituency representation: Do parties respond to the mean voter position or to their supporters? Party Politics, 17 3: Fearon, J. Ethnicity, insurgency and civil war. Feddersen, T. Rational voting and candidate entry under plurality rule. American Journal of Political Science, 34 4: Presidential coattails in historical perspective. Amer- ican Journal of Political Science, 28 1: Gerber, A.

Estimating the effect of campaign spending on senate election outcomes using instrumental variables. The American Political Science Review, 92 2: Golder, M. Presidential coattails and legislative fragmentation. American Journal of Political Science, 50 1: Greene, W. Econometric Analysis. New Jersey, Prentice Hall. Harmel, R. Formation and success of new parties: A cross-national analysis. Partido Izquierda Cristiana de Chile, same acronym [2] was a Chilean left-wing political party. Founded in , in its early days it was suppressed by the Pinochet dictatorship. History The Christian Left Party was founded when a number of Christian Democrats left their party in protest against the party's cooperation with the right-wing forces and confrontation with the Allende government.

Thus, on 31 July , Bosco Parra declared that he saw no future for Christian left positions within the Christian Democrat party.

Started in 1984 in Chile

These principles can be summarised as: Putting the value of all human life as the central value and concern, higher than money or institutions. Promoting non-violence as the only way to achieve results. Fighting discrimination in all its forms; racism, sexism, ageism, homophobia, etc,. Encouraging the continuous development and free distribution of human knowledge. Freedom of beliefs and ideas. It is an ethical political body. Chile's government is a representative democratic republic, whereby the President of Chile is both head of state and head of government, and of a formal multi-party system that in practice behaves like a two-party one, due to binomialism.

Executive power is exercised by the government.

Franja4 Arrate Presidencial Chile flv

Legislative power is vested in both the government and the two chambers of the National Congress. The judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature of Chile. The Constitution of Chile was approved in a national plebiscite in September , under the military government of dictator Augusto Pinochet. It entered into force in March After Pinochet left power in , saying this country was ready to keep going along with a plebiscite, the Constitution was amended to ease provisions for future amendments to the Constitution.

File usage on Commons

In September , President Ricardo Lagos signed into law several constitutional amendments passed by Congress. These include eliminating the positions of appointed senators and senators This article lists political parties in Chile. Chile has a multi-party system, within a system with two dominant coalitions. Political parties Active As of March there are 28 legally constituted political parties in Chile.

The Humanist Green Alliance Spanish: In , it was called the Humanist Party PH. History It was founded on May 4, , through the merger of the Humanist Party and The Greens, whose constitution established its principles: The upholding of the democratic regime as a form of transition from formal democracy to real democracy. On the other hand, explicitly rejects the violation of human rights, the use of violence as a method of conflict resolution and personal concentration of power. With respect to the methodology of action, expressly confirms that no action governed by — violent.

Consider the suffering of the people as a fact produced by economic violence. Therefore proclaims the need to strengthen any social organization that counteracts this situation. The Greens Spanish: Los Verdes was an ecologist political party of Chile, existent from to , when merged with the Humanist Party into the Humanist Green Alliance.

In the mid s, Chilean environmental groups begin to participate in political activity through the Future Green ecopacifistas groups, inspired by the Community for Human Development, cultural wing of the Humanist Movement in the country. After two years of activism, they decided in constituted as a political party, taking the name of "The Greens". General elections in Chile were held on Sunday November 19, , including presidential, parliamentary and regional elections.

Voters went to the polls to elect: A President of the Republic to serve a four-year term. Twenty three of 43 members of the Senate to serve an eight-year term in the National Congress. The full members of the Chamber of Deputies to serve a four-year term in the National Congress. The full members of the regional boards to serve a four-year term. The Humanist Movement is an international volunteer organisation that promotes nonviolence and non-discrimination.

It is not an institution.

María Soledad Larraín Heiremans : Family tree by Eduardo PUELMA - Geneanet

New Humanism focuses on the overcoming of pain and suffering at a personal, interpersonal and social level. It defines violence as anything that causes pain and suffering to human beings. In this way violence is seen to have many different aspects, not just the well-known physical form but also; economic, religious, psychological, sexual, ethnic, etc. Introduction and basic philosophy The Humanist Movement's conception is based on the Siloist thought, the major points of which are the following: Prior to thinking about his origin or destiny, the human being finds himself in a determined vital situation, one not of his own choosing.

Thus, he is born submerged in a natural and also a social Marxist humanism[1] is a branch of Marxism that primarily focuses on Marx's earlier writings, especially the Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of in which Marx espoused his theory of alienation, as opposed to his later works, which are considered to be concerned more with his structural conception of capitalist society.

The Praxis School, which called for radical social change in Josip Broz Tito's Yugoslavia in the s, was one such Marxist humanist movement. Marxist humanism was opposed by the "antihumanism" of Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser, who described it as a revisionist movement. Theory The term "Marxist humanism" and the notion of alienation remains a part of Marx's philosophy. Teodor Shanin[2] and Raya Dunayevskaya go further, asserting that not only is alienation present in the late Marx, but that there is no split between the young Marx and mature Marx.

The early Marx, influenced by Feuerbach's humanistic inversion of Hegelian idealism, articulated a concept of species-being, a Coalition of Parties for Democracy was a coalition of center-left political parties in Chile, founded in In it was replaced by New Majority coalition. History In General Augusto Pinochet, the de facto President of Chile, legalized political parties and called a plebiscite to determine whether or not he would remain in power.

The Broad Front Spanish: Frente Amplio, FA is a Chilean political coalition founded in early , composed of left-wing, and some centre-left and far-left parties and movements. The Broad Front also expanded their electoral representation to 20 deputies out of , 1 senator out of 43 and 21 out of Regional Councillors, thus consolidating the movement as the 'third force' in Chilean politics.

Platform and ideology The Broad Front's Declaration of Principles states five central aims as their reasons for political action: Promote an inclusive country, that respects the environment and safeguard social rights such as education and healthcare. Move away from neoliberal economic policies and towards a new model of development.

Create an alternative to challe Look up psc in Wiktionary, the free dictionary. PSC may refer to: She commenced to serve a four-year term in the Chilean Congress on 11 March A presidential election took place in Chile on Sunday, December 11, Bachelet was victorious with She succeeded President Ricardo Lagos on March 11, for a period of four years, after Congress reformed the Constitution in September and reduced the term from six years. The Chilean parliamentary election was held in conjunction with the presidential election.

She was supported by the Coalition of Parties for Democracy, which has governed Chile since The coalition groups four parties: Everyone to La Moneda in Spanish: The coalition is participating as an electoral pact in the regional advisors election of , although, in the parliamentary election, the Humanist Party is appearing as a unique list, as only pacts with two or more legally constituted parties are accepted. As a consequence, several members of the movement, including Claude,[1] adhered Todxs a La Moneda in an instrumental way.

Goals Todxs a La Moneda aims to "create a free society", which is the main focus or axis of Marcel Claude's presidential candidacy. Eight more goals have been proposed by the humanists and Claude, which are "essential to the Chilean society": The Humanist Movement began in in Mendoza, Argentina as a small group of people who gathered together to find a new response to the crisis of dehumanization and violence experienced by peoples worldwide.

The global crisis was felt in all areas of human activity in the personal, social, economic, political and religious fields. By , this small initial group had expanded into numerous groups in Argentina and Chile and their presence began to be noticed by the military regime of Argentina then in power. The military regimes of Argentina and Chile began to censor and persecute the members during its meetings, gatherings, public acts and demonstrations.

This marks the foundation day for the Humanist Movement. The systematic persecution General elections were held in Chile on 11 December Ricardo Jorge Raineri Bernain born November 25, is an economist, academic, researcher, consultant, and politician. Biography Raineri completed his studies at the Adventist high school in Santiago, Chile. He completed his Masters of Arts in and Ph.

His studies concentrated on industrial organization and regulation, and monetary economy. He would later become the director of the department between April and April He was also managing director and coordinator of e Rosenblut is a vocal supporter of the Pacific Alliance and has written extensively on the subject. In Rosenblut wrote a guest post for the Financial Times online edition in which he expressed his conviction that the Pacific Alliance, of which Chile is a member, represents a "seismic shift in Latin American integration" by standing together "in what promises to be a historic breakthrough for the region".

Mercedes Valdivieso March 1, — August 3, was a Chilean writer, known since her earliest writings for the subversive nature of her texts. She was born in Santiago, Chile. Breakthrough is a novel that ends with the heroine's awareness that she didn't really need to depend upon a man in order to lead a fulfilling life. The book enjoyed an unexpected publishing success and went through five consecutive editions.

Mercedes Valdivieso had the extreme audacity to become an innovator; she bridged the gap between romantic and domestic fiction in a society where women have been viewed as a sexless gender, icons of virtue, and depending on men to meet the necessities of life. A gifted athlete, he competed and won the cross-country and two-mile races, and also trained with the Chilean Ski Team under Emile Allais. Life and work Returning to Chile in to edit the morning tabloid, El Espectador, he soon left this post to teach economic history at the University of Chile while continuing to write for the paper Las Noticias de Ultima Hora, under the pen In , the two escaped together for an Women Presidents of Latin America: Beyond Family Ties?.

Filippi, Emilio Retrieved 13 September United Nations. External links Media related She completed her primary and secondary education in Linares and then attended the Talca Normal School between and , earning a teaching degree. Arcilla, Ediciones del Bronce, , , De golpe, Amalia en el umbral Marta Salgado born is an Afro-Chilean activist who focuses on promoting cultural preservation and civil rights protections for the African diaspora. She has founded several non-governmental organizations to promote women's and minority rights and served as a government advisor in these areas.

Trained as a teacher and public administrator, she has written books and articles on the legacy of Africans in Chile. Her family, which includes her brother, Santiago, and sister, Sonia[2][3] were of African descent. Her mulatto parents experienced the government's objectives to "Chileanize" the region which had previously been part of Peru. Those residents who refused to nationalize as Chileans, were pushed out through forced emigration a Paz G.

Paz was married to Dr. Paz was the recipient of various academic and international awards for her cooperation and contribution in Global Education and Peace Building, a member of the World Academy of Art and Science and participated with the Peacebuilding Commission. Wanda Quilhot born is a Chilean biologist, most noted for her work in lichenology. She was among the first women scientists allowed to participate in research in Antarctica with the International Council for Science ICSU , conducting research there beginning in Three lichen species Menegazzia wandae, Pseudocyphellaria wandae, and Strigula wandae have been named in her honor.

October 30 - November 5, 1995

The Latin American Group of Lichenology has created a prize in her name to recognize research excellence in the field of lichenology. Early life Wanda Quilhot Palma was born in Chile in Unable to study during her confinement, by the time she finished her secondary education, Quilhot was twenty-four. At the time, women were not encouraged to pursue university degrees, but her sister an uncle, Octavio Palma, a noted Chilean educator, a Julio Meneghello Rivera — 15 August was a Chilean physician, scientist, academic, and researcher, considered the initiator of social pediatrics in his country.

Biography Julio Meneghello obtained his professional degree in at the University of Chile. Erick Swen Pohlhammer Boccardo born is a Chilean poet of the Generation of the 80s, a self-described "media figure, traveler, compulsive reader, Zen Buddhist, and expert in both academic and pop culture. At the same time, he studied aesthetics, a degree he did not complete because he decided to go to the United States where he earned a postgraduate degree in education at the University of Miami.

He specializes in discrete choice models, valuation of externalities, design and collection of mobility and preference surveys and transportation forecasting. He received a B. His research work has ventured into the interdisciplinary realm, with contributions in social housing, residential location, citizen security, work shifts and wine choice. In particular, the methodological advancements on valuation of externalities developed with his research team, have been applied in practice in Australia, Colombia, Germany, Norway and Spain.

Founding member o He formed part of the Spanish government in exile as a technical advisor to the War Industries Commission of Catalonia. He crossed the Pyrenees into France on 25 January and was captured and sent to a prison camp at Perpignan. Chilean male poets Revolvy Brain revolvybrain revolvybrain's feedback about Mario Aguilar: